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In an arid region north of Cape Town, diamond theft
is viewed as the proper work of man. This attitude extends across
much of the southern part of Africa, draining profits and fueling
political unrest. by
Matthew Hart
At a diamond cutter's in Johannesburg not long ago, a touch
of the saw very nearly ruined an 8.5-carat stone. "It had a
hole in one side and two gletzes on the other," said Derek Henderson,
the beefy, laconic Englishman who runs the operation. A gletz
is a visible flaw inside a diamond. Henderson gazed at the shattered
gem as he continued: "We took a cut through the gletzes and
had just started to polish off the hole when another gletz shot
through the stone."
Henderson's cutters managed to salvage part of the diamond,
keeping their losses under $20,000. But sometimes a gem will
burst into powder when a saw hits the skin of a structural flaw
-- a flaw that may be invisible even through the lens of an
ordinary loupe. And that's not the only danger.
"I'd bought a blue, a good sky-blue," a well-known Johannesburg
diamond dealer told me. A blue is a "fancy," a category of nonwhite
diamond; the more vivid the color, the higher the price. "We
started polishing, putting in facets. Suddenly, as the cutter
added a facet, the color changed from blue to light blue --
from two hundred and sixty thousand dollars a carat to forty
thousand dollars a carat." The dealer had been aiming for a
four-carat finished stone: in an instant $880,000 evaporated
before his eyes. He was lucky, though. "When we put in the next
facet, the color jumped right back."
Like the stones themselves, the diamond trade is highly unpredictable.
Gemstone diamonds have no intrinsic value; their worth depends
on the buyer's act of faith. Keenly aware of this, the diamond
world harbors a secret fear that the trade itself might hit
some hidden flaw and crumble. Still, so far so good.
Consider this: Two years ago a pair of South African adventurers
retrieved a 23-carat intense-pink fancy from the bottom of the
Chicapa River, in Angola. They sold it at the diamond bourse
in Johannesburg for $4.4 million. The buyers polished it into
a 10-carat gem. They reportedly sold it for $9 million to middlemen,
who are said to have sold it in turn to the Sultan of Brunei's
brother for $20 million -- this for a stone the size of a raisin.
Most diamonds come from big recovery plants -- places fortified
with razor wire, alive with arms, popping with the mechanized
jets of air that blast the gems from streams of gravel rattling
through the plants. Security is a ceaseless preoccupation: the
global output of "rough," as uncut diamonds are called, is worth
about $7 billion a year, and "leakage," or theft from the mining
process, is relentless. Perhaps this is inevitable -- after
all, General Motors doesn't have to worry that workers on the
production line are swallowing doors, but a 10-carat stone goes
down like a pea.
As a result, the diamond trade is awash in contraband. Hundreds
of millions of dollars' worth of smuggled diamonds leave Angola
every year. Bootlegged goods poured out of Russia, too, until
1997, when De Beers, the world's largest diamond-mining company,
forged an agreement whereby Russia sells at least half its production
to the London-based Central Selling Organization -- some $550
million worth of rough each year. The Russians keep the rest
for domestic polishing; naturally, some of this joins the sea
of smuggled gems.
Less well known to the outside world, but infamous in the trade,
is the steady flow of stolen diamonds from Namaqualand, a sandy
slab of South Africa along the Atlantic coast. Namaqualand's
pan-hot desert and scraped little hills start north of Cape
Town and run up to the Orange River, which forms the Namibian
border. The ocean breaks on a forbidding shore. Not much happens
in Namaqualand -- except for the stealing of diamonds. In Namaqualand,
stealing diamonds is the proper work of man.
"God put the diamonds here," says Frikkie Mostert, "and
He put nothing else. People here think the diamonds belong to
them." Mostert runs a diamond-recovery plant in the village
of Port Nolloth for the South African company Trans Hex Group.
Port Nolloth is on the Diamond Coast, a four-hundred-mile stretch
of beach that begins at the Olifants River and extends into
Namibia. If anyone is going to be strapping stolen diamonds
to homing pigeons, or pressing them under his fingernails, or
strolling through the sorting house in boots whose soles have
been impregnated with adhesive, the Diamond Coast is a good
place to find him.
Diamonds arrived in Namaqualand millions of years ago, tumbling
down the rivers and into the sea. When the ocean receded, some
of the diamonds remained on the beach. Others are embedded in
gravel on the ocean floor. In short, a great swath of diamonds
lies along the coast, and millions of dollars a year pour into
the efforts to retrieve them. The area, land and sea, is a grid
of mining concessions. At Kleinsee, where the Buffels River
meets the ocean, De Beers strips the shore. Alexkor, South Africa's
state-owned mine, controls the beach to the north and maintains
a flotilla of inshore diamond boats. Ten miles inland Trans
Hex combs a long-buried former bed of the Orange River. But
across the river, in the southwest corner of Namibia, is the
real prize -- a 10,140-square-mile tract of land identified
on maps as Diamond Area 1. It was once the richest diamond ground
on earth and still produces an abundance of high-quality stones.
Mining rights to the area belong to Namdeb, a consortium of
De Beers and the Namibian government. Namdeb holds a special
place in the hearts of those who live in Namaqualand, whose
arid landscape it helps to water with the only rain that counts
there -- stolen diamonds.
Beach mines are a thief's delight. In open pits, by contrast,
workers rarely come face-to-face with diamonds: heavy equipment
scoops out the ore and feeds it to the plant. But on the beach,
diamonds sit on the old seabed. Miners strip away the "overburden,"
non-diamond-bearing sand and gravel, and sweep the bedrock for
gems. Until recently they did the sweeping with whisks. Now
Namdeb uses huge vacuum machines instead, to make it more difficult
for miners to come into direct contact with diamonds. In addition,
the mines offer a bounty for every loose stone turned in. So
do illicit diamond buyers in Port Nolloth.
Let's say a miner spots a diamond. He may glance around to make
sure that security guards are looking the other way, and press
the diamond under his fingernail for later transfer to another
receptacle, such as his mouth. In the event that members of
the security force have been corrupted (always a possibility),
he needn't be that careful. The next step is to get the diamond
out of the mining area. In one scheme workers smuggle trussed
homing pigeons out to the mining areas in lunch boxes. They
fit the birds with harnesses, load them with rough, and set
them free. Sometimes the thieves are too ambitious. Security
officials at Namdeb caught one thief when they found his pigeon
dragging itself along the ground, its harness loaded beyond
takeoff capacity.
Another time a thief smuggled in the pieces of a crossbow, later
sending a volley of hollow bolts freighted with diamonds arcing
over the fence, for retrieval by a confederate. This scheme
ended when an unlucky shot fell to earth in front of a security
jeep. Diamonds are dropped into the gas tanks of machinery leaving
the beach, and inserted into razor cuts in tires; collaborators
remove them later. Miners wedge diamonds behind sweatbands,
tap them into ears, and insert them in other orifices. At one
De Beers mine, security guards caught a thief only because he'd
inserted so many gems into his rectum that he was waddling.
Diamonds fluoresce under x-rays, and Namdeb uses x-ray scanners
on employees leaving the mining area. But as miners well know,
the cumulative health hazards posed by x-rays dictate random
use. The scanner always makes a noise, but it is not always
taking an x-ray. So the miners take their chances, and diamonds
slip through.
A GOOD number of the diamonds filched from Alexkor and Namdeb
find their way down the coast to Port Nolloth, a hamlet with
few visible means of support but with a flourishing population
of BMWs. At the north end of town stands a cluster of neat concrete
villas, painted ocher or white. Each has a shiny German car
or two parked out front. It is common knowledge in the area
that illicit diamonds paid for some of these villas. The south
end of town is marked by the pier that serves Trans Hex's tiny
recovery plant -- Frikkie Mostert's plant. The municipal dock
nearby makes a stubby L. A small fleet of forty-foot fiberglass
boats, called tupperwares, bobs in the shelter of the reef.
Most are independently owned, and contract their services to
diamond companies.
On the rare days when the wind subsides, crews and divers pile
aboard and the tupperwares go rolling out to sea, trailing suction
hoses. Reaching their inshore concessions, the boats toss on
the swell; divers splash into the frigid water. At a depth of
a hundred feet they wrestle steel nozzles into the muck. Larger
ships work farther out. Indifferent to the heavy seas, remote-controlled
tractors lowered from these ships creep along the ocean floor,
harvesting gravel.
Although the fleets contribute stolen rough, Port Nolloth really
lives off booty from the beach digs of Alexkor and Namdeb. The
industry knows this; the South African police know it. Mostly
they live with it, having little choice.
Consider the last raid on the town, four years ago. With a ferocity
born of frustration, officers from the diamond branch of the
police pounced on Port Nolloth. They focused on the town's Portuguese,
who had fled Angola in 1975, at the end of Portuguese rule,
and are thought to be particularly active in the illicit diamond
trade.
On the day of the raid the diamond branch gathered its forces
near Kleinsee. Vehicles full of heavily armed police officers
sped north. A helicopter clattered into the air. They all headed
for the Portuguese country club, south of Port Nolloth. The
club is surrounded by a wall topped with razor wire. The helicopter
racketed over the wall and hovered. Combat officers slid down
ropes into the green oasis of the grounds and charged the clubhouse.
"They had food," says Derrick Clampett, a seasoned diamond
detective who participated in the raid. "They had booze. They
were ready for a party. The diamond scales were all set up,
there were loupes -- the whole business. But there weren't any
diamonds. We were a day early. Later we raided a house and found
$250,000 in cash."
"Yes," adds Koos Jooste, who heads the diamond branch's
Cape Town detachment, "but the possession of money is not illegal
in South Africa."
The beaches of Alexkor, the South African state mine, begin
only a few miles north of Port Nolloth. By the company's own
admission, the mine leaks as much as 30 percent of its goods,
amounting to some $15 million worth of diamonds every year --
most of it making its way to Port Nolloth. Newspaper reports
assert that the losses may in fact be as high as 45 percent.
Still, Alexkor is something of a sideshow; for thieves on the
Diamond Coast, Namdeb is the main event.
Every year giant bucket-wheel excavators scoop some 33 million
tons of overburden from the beach, adding it to the neat range
of hills that Namdeb has created along the coast. Every year
some 26 million tons of ore, buried eons ago, is dredged up
and returned to the light of day. Namdeb feeds the ore to its
mill, which crushes, sifts, and washes it, leaving a gravel
concentrate. The concentrate is fed onto conveyor belts and
bombarded with x-rays; when the fluorescence that indicates
the presence of a diamond is detected, jets of air knock the
diamond free.
Namdeb's biggest security problem comes from a historical anomaly
-- the construction of miners' hostels inside the part of the
mine site that includes the high-grade beach. A large population
of single men with lots of spare time to think up ways to steal
diamonds thus permanently occupies the most sensitive area of
a famously rich mine. Miners with luggage pass in and out at
will. Criminal syndicates, active at mines throughout the region,
conduct a brisk bourse inside Namdeb's hostels. Miners receive
anywhere from 60 to 80 percent of a diamond's value, adding
the sum to their $350-a-month wage. Nor is money the only incentive.
Coercion is ubiquitous. "The diamond industry has tended to
attract all kinds of unsavory characters, not just to steal
but to intimidate people, to introduce a general criminal atmosphere,"
says Sir Alan Grose, the chief of security for De Beers. "Once
that gets in place, it's very hard to eliminate."
Reluctant to offend the Namibian government, Namdeb will not
raid the hostels. Political delicacy has also precluded simply
closing them: the former guerrillas believed to operate the
Namdeb syndicates are veterans of the same organization that
now constitutes Namibia's ruling party.
A few years ago Namdeb's beleaguered security force tried a
different tack. "They decided to raid the buses," a former De
Beers mine executive told me, referring to the vehicles in which
miners travel to and from the beach. "The thinking was, if we
can't do anything about the hostels, let's stop the buses on
the way back. So without warning, security stopped the buses.
They didn't find a thing. But a hundred yards back all these
tiny parcels littered the road. The miners had chucked them
out. Even though the roadblock had been a last-minute operation,
word had gotten to the buses in time. That's how completely
the syndicates have penetrated security."
De Beers is always trying to improve security, and has developed
a low-dose x-ray, called Scannex, a version of which is now
being tested at Cape Town's Groote Schuur hospital. If the tests
indicate that the dose is safe for daily use, Scannex could
close the loophole of random scanning. But the problem of corrupt
security is likely to remain. The only real solution would appear
to be the removal of the hostels. Unless that happens, Namdeb
will stay porous.
"I wouldn't want to put a percentage on our production
that goes missing," Sir Alan told me a year ago, "but the larger
of the figures you just mentioned is in the ballpark." That
figure was 15 percent, the high end of a conservative estimate
I'd heard. I had in mind a higher figure. "They'll tell you
fifteen percent, but it's more like thirty," a former De Beers
executive had warned me. When I tried this higher figure out
on Sir Alan, he fixed me with a serene gaze. "I don't think
it's ever been much more than thirty percent, honestly."
In 1997, for example, Namdeb collected 786,000 carats from the
beach. Offshore its fleet scoured the seabed for another 485,000.
Inshore a few tupperwares on commission brought in 135,000 carats
more. At, say, $270 a carat (an insider's estimate of Namdeb's
price for rough), the reported production adds up to some $380
million. If workers are stealing 30 percent -- in other words,
if the $380 million represents only 70 percent of Namdeb's real
output -- then thieves are skimming off some $160 million a
year.
The boundaries of Diamond Area 1 exactly match those of the
old Sperrgebiet, the "forbidden territory" proclaimed by Namibia's
German colonial masters in 1908, after a railway laborer shoveling
sand from the tracks stumbled across a diamond. South Africa
seized Namibia in 1915. Seventy-five years later the Namibians
ousted the South Africans. Four years after that, in 1994, Namdeb
was formed. Through it all the borders of the Sperrgebiet have
remained unchanged. The enduring sovereignty is the sovereignty
of diamonds.
In the diamond trade there are effectively no states. Borders
are unable to control the flow of goods. Take Botswana, considered
a model of civic decorum, with a reputation for husbanding its
diamond revenues to improve the conditions of its people. The
Jwaneng mine, a joint venture of De Beers and the Botswana government,
produces 12 million carats a year. A game park teeming with
zebras surrounds the mine, and the nearby village where the
miners and their families live is a little Eden, profoundly
unlike the calamitous, violent world of neighboring South Africa.
Yet miners steal diamonds here, too; a De Beers executive in
the capital, Gaborone, told me that South African syndicates
have moved in.
South Africa, of course, has added its own special acid to the
corrosion of frontiers. During the country's long civil war
the army and the African National Congress thrust back and forth
across the region's borders, helping to spread economic mayhem
throughout the southern part of the continent. The white government
in Pretoria is reported to have authorized military intelligence
to engage in the illicit diamond trade, further entrenching
the activity.
Diamonds have also fed Angola's long civil war -- a war that
ended with a peace accord in 1994, but only on paper. The war
was reignited late last year by a bloody series of rebel attacks,
including one on a remote diamond mine owned by a Vancouver-based
company, some of whose directors had clear ties to mercenaries
who have acted against the rebels. There are two principal warring
factions: the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola
(MPLA), headed by José Eduardo dos Santos, the country's President,
and the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA),
under Jonas Savimbi. The MPLA, which has enjoyed international
recognition since 1976, holds the capital, Luanda, and in recent
years extended its military reach into regions once controlled
by UNITA. In spite of commitments made in 1994, UNITA has refused
to relinquish the diamond-rich Cuango Valley and the provinces
of Lunda Norte and Lunda Sul, each with valuable diamond fields.
The rebels are funded, after all, by the only available asset
that meets the dual requirements of portability and easy conversion
into cash -- diamonds.
"The government has oil, Savimbi has diamonds," says Edgar
J. Dosman, a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for International
and Security Studies at York University, in Toronto. In 1996
alone Savimbi ran $700 million in rough out of Angola. Clearly,
UNITA cannot afford to abandon the diamond regions.
The government reaps its share of diamonds too. Ministers openly
take positions in diamond-mining joint ventures. Elsewhere a
joint-venture partner would furnish money or expertise; in Angola
he simply arranges permission to mine.
Next door, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly
Zaire), the new President, Laurent Kabila, now battling insurgents,
is believed to have funded his own insurgency partly by selling
diamond and other mineral rights. The ruler ousted by Kabila,
Mobutu Sese Seko, maintained an alliance with Savimbi; Kabila's
is with the MPLA. The long-term effects of these shifts in power
and allegiance remain to be seen.
Helicoptering up Angola's Chicapa River, I could see the vivid
scars of illegal digs -- illegal in the eyes of the government,
perhaps, but "licensed" by whoever had happened to control the
area at the time. The specter rises of a medieval land, a dominion
of barons perversely devoted to the sacking of their own domains.
In this model the lonely monarch is De Beers, fighting an endless
battle for order, at tremendous cost. In a practice known as
"mopping up," the company has often tried to buy as many illicit
diamonds as it could; the gems, if allowed to flood the open
market, could send prices plummeting virtually overnight. Not
long ago, De Beers was spending $15 million a week mopping up
Angolan diamonds alone.
One winter morning, in the hard sunlight of Namaqualand, I stood
staring down into a pit whose dimensions were roughly those
of a twenty-story building covering three football fields. It
was part of the Trans Hex Baken mine, which produces diamonds
worth, on average, $500 a carat. It is hard to find better goods
than these. At the bottom of this hole, dug from gravel laid
down over 15 million years, is a former riverbed. Sometimes
Trans Hex locates the plunge basin of a prehistoric waterfall,
where handfuls of diamonds may have accumulated. Recovering
them involves a lot of digging: Trans Hex estimates that two
truckloads of dirt are removed for every carat that makes its
way out of the pit and onto someone's finger.
Across the Orange River morning dumped its bin of light onto
Diamond Area 1. I could almost hear the pigeons stirring. Probably
the first few stones of the day were already slipping past the
fence. And down on the Diamond Coast, in Port Nolloth, someone
would be turning the ignition key in his BMW, tossing his loupe
onto the dash, and heading off to work.

Matthew Hart, an editor of the trade
magazine Rapaport
Diamond Report, is the author of the novels
The
Male of the Species (1993) and Into
the Purple Duchy (1995), and has just completed Rough,
a thriller about the diamond trade.

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